Vladimir Potapov

R

ussia entered the year 2004 with the newly elected 450-seat State Duma, the lower house of the country’s parliament. Speaking at its first session Central Election Commission chairman Alexander Veshnyakov briefly summed up results of the parliamentary elections. In his words, the last election campaign will be remembered by its openness, reduction of electoral blocks and fewer complaints to the Central Election Commission.
In the opinion of some experts, the most important fact missed in the West is not only that there will be no parties in the new Russian parliament that called themselves "rightist". It is also of much importance that there will be a much smaller number of those, who were traditionally called "leftist". In other words, the previous division between "the right" and "the left" was obviously becoming outdated.
The present disposition of political forces in the State Duma is as follows. The pro-president United Russia party won 300 seats or the constitutional majority (66.67%); the Communist party will be represented by 52 deputies (11.56%); the Liberal Democratic party (known as Zhirinovsky’s party) and the Rodina (Motherland) block will have 36 deputies each (8% each). The remaining number of deputies still have not joined any of the registered deputy groupings.
Independent experts believe that more often than not representatives of United Russia or the so-called "party of power" regard themselves as the stronghold of the State. And Gennady Zyuganov, the leader of the Russian Communist party, who is forced to explain his party’s failure in the elections to its members, insists on "the strong concentration of all resources" under the control of the Kremlin’s administration citing "56 presidents of republics, governors, ministers and mayors on the list of United Russia" and asking rhetorically, if "there is a need to give more reasons for this".
Sergei Glazyev, the leader of the Rodina block, agrees that it will not be easy to work in the new Duma. "The balance of forces has shifted to "the party of power". However, I hope that we will find convincing arguments for other factions in the Duma to keep promises that they have given voters during the election campaign". In Glaziev’s words, his faction is basing its approach on the notion that "social justice and economic effectiveness are interrelated".
The Rodina block, the unexpected winner in the elections, looks like a hatchery for future ideologies. In any case, it seems that each of its member politician does not have a comprehensively finalized program. It is possible that Russia’s new official ideology will be developed precisely in this segment of the national political spectrum. In the opinion of some political scientists, this ideology can be partly made known right after the presidential elections in March 2004 and it will surely become obvious after the elections in 2008. Today’s policy of president Putin paradoxically combines differing trends: strengthening partnership relations with the U.S. and NATO, activity in the fight against international terrorism while distancing from power actions, demonstrating unwillingness to support the hegemony of one superpower, preaching multilateralism. Such a diplomatic balancing act can be interpreted as a sign of forming a new state ideology, the essence of which is the latent restoration of power undermined by the collapse of the Soviet system.
It is no accident that thinking over results of the elections to the State Duma, some observers conclude that the post-Soviet chapter in the Russian history is over and that now comes a time for serious and thoughtful return to traditional values. They expect that the further development of the political system will be based on the supremacy of the home policy over the foreign one and not vice versa as has been the case so far. After all, it is a well-known fact that in the USSR and, later, in democratic Russia interests of the country’s own population were constantly overridden by global ideas: first, "world revolution" and "triumph of socialism" and, then, "building of All-European house", "joining of the ranks of civilized nations".
So, Russia is becoming different. What to expect from these changes?
There is no question that pragmatism is being brought to the forefront. Relying on the constitutional majority in the parliament the executive power is directly appealing to businessmen to use the political stability for expanding commerce and investment activity. Prime minister Mikhail Kasyanov was talking precisely about that during his visit to Tokyo. In particular, he noted that "in the last four years the political forces that were supporting the president and the government have increased their representation in the parliament’s lower house" and, therefore, "there are some guarantees that reforms, which have been carried out in the last four years and which have brought positive results, will be continued". The prime minister assured that "in its turn, the government of Russia will ensure economic growth, predictability and consistency".
Addressing the new Duma at its first session president Vladimir Putin called upon deputies to concentrate their attention on issues linked to the quality of life of the country’s citizens. He listed among them reshaping of the education and public health systems, creating a market of affordable housing. Since accomplishing these tasks depends on the state of the economy, it becomes vitally important to maintain the accelerated economic growth. In Putin’s opinion, this growth will be ensured by "developing the financial, tax and banking systems, land property laws as well as by strengthening property guarantees and developing entrepreneurship and economic freedom".
Appealing to deputies Vladimir Putin expressed confidence that, regardless of ideological preferences, the Duma’s deputies "are united by the most important thing: the sense of duty before the country’s citizens". The president stressed his hopes for a close cooperation with all factions.
"We have to remember that state power comes from the people, that it is formed for the people. It should serve interests of the country’s citizens and achieve an obvious, tangible progress in their lives. The parliament itself should set an example of adherence to the basic principles of democracy", emphasized Vladimir Putin.
Boris Gryzlov
Speaker of State Duma. Born December 15,1950 in the city of Vladivostok in a military pilot’s family. In 1954 the Gryzlovs moved to Leningrad (Saint Petersburg). Graduated from the electrical engineering institute of communication with a diploma of radio engineer. Participated in developing space communication systems.
From 1997 to 1999 worked in the field of higher education and headed the training-and-methodological center of new technologies at the Baltic State Engineering University. Later, became head of the interregional foundation of business cooperation Development of Regions.
In December 1999 was elected deputy of the State Duma from the Unity interregional movement. Headed the largest deputy faction in the parliament’s lower house.
From 2001 to 2003 was Russia’s interior minister.
Has a degree in political sciences. Likes sports, history. Married, has a son and daughter.